Regional harmony (Reproduction)

By Thomas Hardaker
After the dramatic, ground breaking election Nepali hopes are running high for the commencement of the new Maoist government. In view of their accession to power, the international community has expressed its desire for co-operation, most notably India. India's foreign minister Pranab Mukherjee has announced the visit of a delegation to Kathmandu with the intention of meeting Prachanda and Dr Babu Ram Bhattarai. The delegation's visit will seek to secure a cordial relationship with the CPN (Maoist) which is likely to head the next government and accordingly an invitation to New Delhi is sure to follow.

Now that the main political problem of Nepal, the establishment of a democratically elected government, is coming to a stage of conclusion, it is important at this juncture to consider the regional effects of a Maoist government in specific regard to the Bhutanese refugees. At present Bhutan is following a Fabian policy at India's connivance and the refugee issue is left in dereliction.

The ignorant attitude of the Bhutanese king to push the refugee into oblivion has taken its toll. Desperate and frustrated refugees have formed an ultra-radical outfit named Bhutan communist party-Marxist, Leninist, Maoist (BCP-MLM). As of January 2008 the BPC (MLM) announced the commencement of a 'people's war' against the Bhutanese regime with the aim of overthrowing the feudal monarchy installing real democracy and repatriating those forcefully expelled in the late 1980s and early 90s.

With the rise to power of the Maoists in Nepal it is not beyond an excessive doubt that the Nepali Maoists sympathize with the struggle of those rebels established in the refugee camps of eastern Nepal. Therefore there may be a cause for concern that a helping hand could evolve to an all out mandate as both factions are members of CCOMPOSA. However, there is not, as yet, a definite link between the Maoist Party of Bhutan and the CPN (Maoist), although there have been reports of the Nepalis assisting the Bhutanese educationally. Also the role of India in curbing the potential unification of practically separated factions is significant but by no means guaranteed. 

It is, therefore, important that any potential stoking of the flames of insurrection in Bhutan, is avoided for the sake of a young, fledgeling democracy in Bhutan and more generally to preserve regional peace. From the recent election in Bhutan it is difficult to visualize the so-called kingdom of gross national happiness as the antagonist in South Asian politics. However, the grossly contrived 'reality' lacks the substantiality to withstand even a moderately skeptical exploration of its democratic credentials. The fact that some 80,000 southerners living in Bhutan are disenfranchised from the electoral process and the denied registration of more than two parties draws a dark shadow upon claims of an egalitarian breakthrough in the Himalayan kingdom.

If one agrees that the Bhutanese democratization is but a façade to legitimize the absolute rule of King Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck, then it must be fair to say that it is indeed antagonistic to those whose rights are evaporated from its conception. Herein lies the problem, for Bhutan to bolster the illegal expulsion of over 100,000 of its citizens, its democratic leanings creates an oxymoron of epic proportions with serious consequences.

If the legitimate concerns of those striving for democracy in Bhutan are not met, the proliferation of insurgency will only increase with devastating effect, pushing the country into a vortex of insurmountable war. The Bhutanese king and his regime will be solely responsible méa culpá for such a predicament.

 With the emergence of democracy in Nepal and the intention on the part of New Delhi to initiate a relationship of co-operation with its northern neighbor, it is important to readdress the issue of repatriation of Bhutanese refugees who wish to return. This consideration must be conducted on an international multi-lateral level, with equal regard given to the positions of all actors.

No doubt, India's goodwill and cooperation is crucial for resolving the refugee issue, but in regard to the growing influence of ultra-left in Bhutan India should come out of its escapist attitude and review its internecine policy before it takes a heavy toll in terms of collateral damage.

Although internationally it is difficult to discard the recent election in Bhutan which was overseen by the European Union and Japan amongst other international observers, it is also difficult to reject the claims of those Bhutanese who have been intolerably and deplorably discriminated against. The question boils down to a decision between the sustainability of the current democracy in Bhutan in light of the challenges against it, and the benefits of repatriation of the Bhutanese refugee community.

Ultimately, you cannot build a house on rotten foundations, when such a structure falls down the damage it causes is not just to those inhabiting it, but also to those in its vicinity. One must excuse the over-simplistic nature of this metaphor, but it does serve to demonstrate the ongoing apprehension of security will amount not just in Bhutan but also in South Asia.

There is the equally compelling argument that the refugees and those suffering from human rights abuses inside Bhutan should unreservedly be granted justice for the crimes perpetrated against them. After seventeen long years Bhutan's derogations from its international obligations have escaped any practical chastisement in the international arena.

India, as the South Asian giant and close ally of Bhutan, must play a crucial role to increase the diplomatic pressure upon Bhutan before their initiative is ultimately directed toward the defense of the tiny nation from insurgent forces under the almost generic Maoist prerogative. The Bhutanese refugee issue has always been a political 'hot potato', with the possible emergence of a Maoist government in Nepal its heat could potentially increase. This may not be due to any military support from the communist stalwarts, but rather because they serve as a powerful, inspiring example of the success of armed struggle. Hopefully the evolution of Nepali politics will motivate not just India, but the whole international community as members of the UN, for the peaceful, overdue restoration of authentic, democracy to Bhutan.
(The writer is an intern at Human Rights without Frontier in Nepal)

Source: The Kathmandu Post, May 14