Third country settlement should not hamper Bhutanese political struggle
Born in October 10, 1952, Balaram Poudyal started his career as social activist. He has written books like Bhutan Pharkanda (upon return to Bhutan), Bhutan: Hijo-ra-Aaja (Bhutan: past and present), Sobal. He also worked as an Editor of Bhutani Aawaj. Currently, Poudyal leads Bhutan Peoples' Party (BPP) that led the political demonstration of 1990 in southern Bhutan. Poudyal is the vice chairman of National Front for Democracy (NFD)-Bhutan and founding member of Peoples Forum for Human Rights Bhutan (PFHRB). Besides this, he is the Central Committee member of Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee (BMSC) as well. BPP follows democratic socialism. He talked to T. P. Mishra of Bhutan News Service on various contemporary issues. Excerpts:
BNS: Where has arrived Bhutan's political movement?
Poudyal: It is no doubt that the Bhutanese movement is getting momentum. The popular peaceful movement by the eastern and northern Bhutanese threatened the regime resulting in the reshuffling of the cabinet in 1998. At the same time, the regime hoodwinked the international community assigning six ministers in the cabinet to represent the state on rotational basis as premier. The regime also campaigned the world community about Bhutan's willingness to proceed for democratization by further expanding the cabinet ten members in 2002. This was followed by declaration of forming a Constitution Drafting Committee, which came out with its draft in the first quarter of 2005. All these changes are the result of political pressure mounted by its dissident people functioning as progressive political parties from exile.
BNS: What is BMSC doing?
Poudyal: BMSC began supporting dharna staged in Kathmandu. And this has indirectly been able to sought attention of world community. It also increased pressure on India and Bhutan, which turned out to the speeding up the preparation of electoral list in Bhutan. Nepal government despite also prioritized refugee issue and alliance members have actively been participating in the process of dealing with the impasse ever since then. The BMSC's lobby and campaign at the Kathmandu, international and regional arena also emerged with the UNHCR's speeding of re-registration proposal to determine authenticity of the figures in the camp besides looking forward to fulfilling various other objectives.
BNS: Why is the BPP objecting the recent offer of third country resettlement?
Poudyal: We have never objected the proposal of relocation. Actually, our deal is just misinterpreted. We only wanted to express concern about the future of our people. Due to ignorance and our innocence, we have landed up in camps here. We would not afford to repeat the same by blindly accepting third country resettlement. Thousands of Bhutanese are in Diasporas. Besides, there are other hundreds who have been spending imprisoned lives in Bhutan jails. And those living outside the jails are treated with discriminatory policies of the Druk oligarchy. The American offer will not help resolve this entire problem. That is why we only wanted to know the modus operandi and the means of settlement with indication of their future prospects before we opt to go for any available options under durable solution framework. But this option is not at all going to hamper the political movement. Our political field is in Bhutan and not in exile. Therefore, question of hampering the movement and the political parties with holding refugees' choice of third country resettlement does not arise at all.
BNS: How have you taken the latest development: visit of US and EU dignitaries to Bhutan, Nepal?
Poudyal: We have taken the recent development as positive issue for those exiled Bhutanese who do not opt for repatriation. But for the people whose craze for returning home continues, it would be unfortunate if they are misguided or allured into taking up the option of third country resettlement. The issue concerning resumption of the ULFA camps in Bhutan is the responsibility of the ruling regime. We are in exile and we cannot comment unless we are inside our country. However, if the resumption has taken place, it is unfortunate that Bhutan is again preparing to prevent return of Bhutanese citizens in one hand and conspiring to evict the remaining common people inside Bhutan on the other.
BNS: What you expect the role of India in repatriation of exiled Bhutanese? What makes you fail to materialize the support from India?
Poudyal: India's role in the Bhutanese polity is inevitable. Bhutan is a small country that coexisted with a giant like India since time immemorial. The Bhutanese peoples' role in the nation building is witnessed by India and it has also witnessed the Bhutan's role in making its citizens refugees. Almost all the development activities in Bhutan are being carried out under the supervision of Indian experts and professionals who are well acquainted with the nooks and corners of the Bhutanese geopolitical system and physical environment. Hence, India's role is crucial to helping get this issue resolved. India is very much proactive to the Bhutanese issues. Besides, the regime sponsored anti-movement elements have also created negative forces within the organizations in exile, thereby, creating diverse ideas and disseminating diverse information. These are some of the reasons for us to fail in our crusade in convincing Indian politicians. However, following establishment of the BMSC, the NFD-Bhutan on its front continues campaigning with major Indian political figures in order to influence the south block for intervention into our imbroglio.
BNS: Your party strongly criticized the new draft of constitution. What it lacks?
Poudyal: It is not the BPP alone, but the NFD-Bhutan as a whole, to which the BPP is a constituent member, has criticized the draft constitution. The constitution was firstly drafted by handpicked members, who excluded diverse representations and political parties. The outcome of the committee appeared to strengthening the absolute monarch and provisions in most of the fundamental articles were vague and did not address the welfare of the people. The provisions such as commissions to control key executives were missing while royal power was delimited with the parliament not given the appropriate role in the legislation.
BNS: What would be the role of international community and that of UN for repatriation?
Poudyal: A unified voice of international campaign could help resolve this problem, repatriate the exiled Bhutanese and support improvement for political changes in Bhutan. However this is lacking behind. Issuance of the travel document when necessary and adequate funding is another that are lacking in our movement.
BNS: How do you understand Gross National Happiness?
Poudyal: GNH is a good philosophy for a small country like Bhutan provided it consolidates all the diversity of race, language and religion. The GNH with discriminatory policy will help the regime to create convincing model to fundraise for the interest of the absolutism by fattening the royal accounts and therein keeping the common people under naked and starvation with inadequate medication and education facilities.
BNS: There are no political parties in Bhutan to participate in 2008 election. Do you dream to take part in?
Poudyal: This is not a matured question. How can we accept such an election where presence of diversity and genuine political parties are not included? The draft constitution should come out from an interim government and similarly the ad hoc government should develop election processes. Democracy cannot be dictated, but it can be practiced with the equal participatory role played by the presence of multi-ethnicity irrespective of caste, creed and race.
BNS: Couched in between two big countries, what kind of political system is most suited in Bhutan?
Poudyal: In order to give opportunities to all walks of life, well-organized multi-party political system should be promoted in Bhutan. Some people might recommend a government like in Switzerland, which is geo-physically apt in view of our little population and its physical landscape. But for Bhutan, to have that kind of government will take about a century, as the entire population would require gaining cent percent literacy to practice such a polity. Thus, multi-party system would be the most appropriate system for Bhutan. The rise in communist ideology among Bhutanese people is not extra ordinary. It makes no difference. However, that should be based on the milieu of twenty-first century. Our people would have been influenced by the political activities of the host country.