This universal realm is so illusive that what one sees actually does not happen; and that what is happening is not seen with naked eyes!
It is necessary to clarify that the so-highly talked about coalition is built on the individualistic basis and unrepresented of by the people, who subscribe to the organizations, whereby flutters a question mark on whether the individualistic based alliance would actually benefit the people. Besides, the so-called unification has come all of a sudden without consulting the people, who thus feel excluded, making it no more than what Bhutan declared its democracy in 2008.
Further, applauding or appreciating the emergence of coalition of the nature cannot be considered a successful accomplishment of unification given its nature of formation, which is on the basis of individualistic themes rather than on the policies of democracy, inclusiveness and principles of unification. Before commenting or appreciating such a process, one would require to backtrack into the annals of the Bhutanese movement, which has glaring experiences of building and collapsing of the coalitions perhaps for the reasons of weak governance or for the reasons best known to themselves, who are responsible for the demolition of alliances.
It will be premature of those with commitments towards accomplishment of the long struggling Bhutanese to perceive that the alliance of such a nature that has undermined the existing alliance bodies like the Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee (BMSC) and the National Front for Democracy (NFD) -Bhutan would shape up to an inclusive strength and work for the cause of national interest. It is high time to understand that we need to strengthen existing coalitions rather than bringing new alliances that only go to overshadow the existing coalitions, which are built with utmost care and holds worth applauding records of achievements rather than overriding or underestimating existing political and social alliances.
If the existing alliances are given strong supports from solidarity expressers, if necessary with improvements where ever necessary, Bhutanese movement could prove worthy of it, however, mushrooming alliances by sidelining existing alliances could be like that of making efforts to building a sand-dune.
It is unfortunate that the coalitions in the past lived no more than a caterpillar life for obvious reasons of leadership maturity in various aspects of experiences, academic backgrounds, awareness and required exposures. Whenever anybody attempted to clarify the position looking from the perspectives of long term benefits considering overall interest of the people, commentators branded us of being egoistic and failed to understand what exactly we wished to clarify about without taking little bit of pain to analyze the situation and giving justice to the stands of those being excluded. It is time for every one of us to understand the situation more clearly for the betterment of our own future.
I am by the way not measuring anybody’s height, but trying to express my own perceptions from the perspectives of what has been experienced in the past that has victimized several innocent people with many of them still languishing in the jails in Bhutan while those who were released languish outside camps awaiting registration in the camps. Except giving leadership to the movement by taking up positions, grievances of the needy people are not given proper attention until this day.
The Druk National Congress (DNC) – Democratic does not hesitate to proclaim that we are for inclusiveness and remain strongly committed towards building up a strong entity in the overall interest of the Bhutanese people in general and to bring about true and vibrant democracy in Bhutan looking into long term interest of the country and its diverse population irrespective of race, ethnicity, religion, language, colour and sex.
In order to give collective efforts to any kind of coalition that are meant for the cause of the future of all the Bhutanese, whoever coordinates to build up such an anticipated strong and committed coalition, the so-described dispersed leaderships should be collected into a single “PITAKA” under leadership worthy of from the perspectives of leadership quality fulfilling basic requirements of this present era.
I am sorry, but I have to say so given the prevailing demand of the hour. I hope that this to some extent clarifies our stand in the current situation.
(Thinley is President of DNC-Democratic and can be reached at [email protected])
On August 22, 2010, leaders of exiled Bhutanese formed a joint front under the leadership of R.K. Dorji, the founder of the Druk National Congress. The major parties in exile which decided to come under one umbrella were the Bhutan Peoples Party, Bhutan National Democratic Party and Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee. This development is being framed as unique, since this is for the first time that a united front has been formed in order to strengthen the voices of the refugees in exile. The aim of the joint front, as the leaders put it, would be to advocate repatriation of all refugees to Bhutan. Resettlement, for one, they argue is a temporary solution and returning to the homeland with dignity and honour is perhaps what is desired by all Bhutanese refugees. While this political objective has been articulated clearly, the strategic objective, as another leader puts it, would be to persuade India to take a lead role in influencing Bhutan’s refugee policy. The refugee leaders for quite some time now have been blaming India on its hands-off policy towards the refugee issue, which they allege has accounted for all the suffering which the refugees settled in the camps of Eastern Nepal have gone through.
However, while the articulation of the political and strategic objective of the front is quite clearly stated, there are voices expressing public reservation on the formation of the front, particularly from two refugee leaders, Bhampa Rai and Thinley Penjore, who have questioned the credibility of the front as they claim that their own exclusion from the front is unfair given that they represent a substantive mandate of the people. While Rai is associated with Bhutanese Refugee Repatriation Representative Committee (BRRRC), Thinley Penjore is known to be associated with Druk National Front-Democratic (DNC-D). Bhampa Rai is a doctor by profession and is known for his association with the issue of human rights in the camps of Nepal. Thinley Penjore, though initially associated with Druk National Congress which represents the Sharchops inhabiting Eastern Bhutan, has formed a break away faction called Druk National Front-Democratic. It is also interesting to note that the National Front for Democracy in Bhutan, constitutes of Bhutan People’s Party, Druk National Congress- (Democratic), Bhutan Gorkha National Liberation Front (BGNLF) and Bhutan National Democratic Party. However, in the recently constituted joint front, only Bhutan People’s Party and Bhutan National Democratic Party from National Front for Democracy were called for participation and Druk National Congress-(Democratic) and Bhutan Gorkha National Liberation Front (BGNLF) were conspicuously missing. An immediate explanation for this exclusion can perhaps be the conscious decision to send a symbolic message that the front is bereft of any violent intentions. Significantly, Balaram Poudyal, who represents the Bhutan National Democratic Party, made a statement that “his party was unaware of Maoist party in the camp(s) of Nepal which has been reported to be fighting against the regime with arms.” He further stated, “I have no knowledge where … such cadres live and what they do.” The front in this avatar perhaps intends to be more politically correct in engaging the international community. As Tek Nath Rizal of Bhutanese Movement Steering Committee has clearly stated, the issue of Bhutanese refugees is no longer a “bilateral deal” and that after the resettlement programme it has become a “matter of international concern.” The refugee leaders know well that any affiliation with an armed struggle would not lead them too far, especially given the fact that around 30,000 refugees have been resettled in the United States alone. It is also no exaggeration to state that the Communist Party of Nepal is still blacklisted in United States of America!! Any affiliation with the Maoist elements in the repatriation scheme could distinctly weaken American engagement.
While the international outreach of the front could increase with such a political message and strategy, its internal outreach within Bhutan also has to be deliberated upon if the leaders want an effective change or intend to influence Bhutan’s policy on refugees. In the absence of this road map, any argument on India’s role in leveraging the refugee issue with Bhutan would appear too fragile and a bit exaggerated. In fact, over a period of time it would become a cliché. Indeed to some extent it already has! A major reason for an over-emphasis on the Indian role is that the political culture of Bhutan has often been overlooked and understudied.
Political Culture can be defined as a set of beliefs, which people in a given society develop over a period of time towards various issues within a political system. Bhutan, in this sense, provides a unique political culture as it has a rich history of Machiavellian politics, political ambitions and wars over the assertion of identity. The deeply entrenched Drupka identity in the polity of Bhutan is perhaps just a pointer to how the Drupkas have sustained their centuries’ long effort to guard the political corridors of decision-making in the Himalayan Kingdom. Deeply under the sway of Tibetan invasions from 861-900 A.D., which had inadvertently led the country towards political fragmentation, it was only in the twelfth century that a particular Buddhist sect known as the Kargyupka (Drupka) decided to settle in the country. As a result, from the 12th century onwards many Lamas of Drupka sect entered Bhutan and a distinct religious Drupka identity emerged. The well guarded sensitivity towards non-interference of external powers in its internal politics is well reflected in the way Bhutan interacted with the East India Company in the 18th century and various British expeditions in the 19th century. After the civil war in Bhutan in 1885 when Ugyen Wangchuck emerged as the virtual ruler of Bhutan, a policy shift towards the British was adopted. As under the leadership of Ugyen Wangchuk, Bhutan not only witnessed stability but also moved South towards British India for security and stability reasons. While the British on their part wanted a strong leader who could serve their interests in securing trade routes to Tibet, Ugyen Wangchuk, as the new monarch, was looking for a strong ally who could deter threats from Tibet. Consequently in 1910, the Treaty of Punakha was signed under which the British acquired the right to “advise” Bhutan on its external relations. Bhutan meanwhile secured assurance from the British that a policy of non-interference in the internal affairs of Bhutan would be respected. Dissuading Tibetan invaders from the North was the primary incentive behind the signing of the Anglo-Bhutanese Treaty. It can be said that the Treaty of Punakha was therefore a win-win outcome for both the concerned parties. This policy continued with independent India and in 2007 the Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty was revisited and Article II, which talked about the right of India to advice Bhutan in its foreign policy objectives, was conspicuously dropped.
The Wangchuk Dynasty which has ruled Bhutan for almost a century does find a special place in Bhutan and the Drupka identity for obvious reasons continues to shape policy decisions. According to some sources there are nine Nepali members in the ruling party, DPT, in Bhutan, though experts say that this is far less considering the total population size of the Nepalese in Bhutan.
Opposition outside the country has also stemmed from exiled refugees which apart from ethnic Nepalese include the monks of Nyingmapa sect, who according to some sources were exiled by the government in the early 1990s. A domestic discourse on the faultlines of minority politics in Bhutan has however been conspicuously missing in the public domain.
Thus, making inroads into the domestic political space in Bhutan can be one of the most daunting challenges for the issue of refugee repatriation. Creating levers of influence and pursuing a pro-active engagement with Bhutan’s decision-makers through persuasion and negotiation is thus the most effective way of shaping political will in order to engage the Bhutanese establishment over the issue of refugee repatriation. Perhaps understanding the domestic political culture of Bhutan can provide some insight on the ways and means which could inform such a strategy.
It is a well written piece. There are smome mistakes identifying the individuals with the organizations. Nevertheless, Bap Kesang is quite accurate in the analysis. Thanks a lot
Dr Dhakal
Background: I was arrested in 1997 by the Government of India at the behest of Royal Government of Bhutan in Delhi. I was imprisoned for 14 months at Tihar jail. On 12 June, 1998, I was released on bail by the Delhi High Court. However, my bail conditions required that I had to report to the local police station twice a week and I couldn’t go out of Delhi. My arrest itself was against Indian law. I was booked for not posessing valid travel documents. In fact, at the time of my arrest, I had a valid travel document issued to me by the Government of Nepal. In addition, the Indo-Bhutan Friendship Treaty of 1949 doesn’t require Bhutanese citizens to have visa or travel permit to travel to India.
Despite politically fabricated and motivated charges against me, the extradition proceedings dragged on. The positive side to all the misery that I was subjected to was the assurance of the Indian democratic spirit and the rights of individual finally prevail when the Government of India dropped the extraditions case against me on April 21 of this year.
After the end to a torturous judicial journey of 13 years, the Indo-Bhutan Friendship Society, an organisation promoting friendly ties between the people of Bhutan and India, wrote a letter to the King of Bhutan, Jigme Khesar Namgyal Wangchuck.
It was mentioned that, “In view of Bhutan instituting a democratic system of Government, it is logical that the Royal Government of Bhutan allow Mr. R.K. Dorji and those of his party members who are presently in exile, into the country without any preconditions. They must be allowed to participate in the democratic process of Bhutan so that they can contribute towards the building of a healthy democratic order in Bhutan. We believe that the Government of India will also most certainly facilitate and assist the reconciliation process”. A copy of letter was sent to the Prime Ministers of India and Bhutan. Besides, I also wrote a letter to the King presenting the need for both of us to work towards reconciliation and including me and my party into the polity of Bhutan. No reply was received.
*The purpose of my visit to Nepal*
After dropping the false, fabricated charges against me, the Government of Bhutan is now trying to treat me like an animal, which has been released and left to the elements, after years of confinement. I am no animal. I am a human being. I have the rights of human being. And this indifference of the Bhutanese government is not acceptable. I have been imprisoned for struggling for the establishment of democracy in Bhutan. I will continue to strive for democratic rights and justice as is enshrined in the Constitution of the Bhutan. Since travelling might be required often, I went to Nepal to renew my travel documents.
In Kathmandu, Nepal, I met Mr. Teknath Rizal, the noted human rights campaigner of Bhutan and Chairman of People Forum for Human Rights in Bhutan, Mr. Balaram Poudel, President of the Bhutan Peoples’ Party and Dr. D.N.S. Dhakal, Acting Chief Executive of the Bhutan National Democratic Party. During course of discussion, they stressed on the need for a new alliance amongst us for pursuing national reconciliation, inclusive democracy and the repatriation of exiled Bhutanese to their country. Incidentally, all these are long-standing organisations have a great deal of working experience. On the 22nd of August this year, we agreed to work together. I agreed to upgrade existing Druk National Congress (DNC) party office at Kathmandu, Nepal, which hereafter will also coordinate all the activities of the Bhutanese in the exile. This office is in addition to the existing DNC contact office and Indo-Bhutan Friendship Society’s office at New Delhi, India. We unanimously agreed to work on following basic points. i.e.:
1. The exiled political parties and the exiled Bhutanese must be permitted to participate in the forth-coming elections.
2. The Bhutanese refugees must be repatriated with honour and dignity, and must be allowed to participate in the political process. To call upon the international community to pressurize Bhutan to take back its citizens.
3. The immediate unconditional release of all the political prisoners in Bhutan who have been in prisons since the early 1990s.
4. To promote and strengthen the existing bonds of friendship at the people to people level among the citizens of Bhutan, India, and Nepal, which hasn’t been promoted to the desired level thus far.
5. To extend thanks to the international community and all well-wishers of the Bhutanese democratic struggle and seek continued support and solidarity.
*The Alliance*
The alliance entrusted me to lead the unified democratic movement. Our activities will be peaceful. All we want is constitutional rights which are granted to us by the Constitution of Bhutan, promulgated in 2008. We will keep the Government of Nepal informed and also seek their assistance and support in our initiatives. A delegation of the alliance will also meet the Government of India sometime in December to seek assistance to facilitate our repatriation and safeguard our democratic rights in Bhutan. We will urge the Government of India to assist us because the Government of India is the largest donor to Bhutan, and Bhutan and India also enjoy excellent friendly relations. India in fact has the responsibility to facilitate our repatriation and reconciliation so that its friendly neighbouring country, Bhutan, is not plunge into instability and unrest. The delegation will meet the International Community to garner our support and to pressure the Government of Bhutan to accede to our demands.
This alliance is unlike before and is beyond the realm of refugee camps politics. The follower of Bhutanese refugee’s issues would note that there are some 52 organisations in the Bhutanese refugee camps alone. What confounds one more is that individuals of one organisation will also be holding seats in more than three other organisations as well. In spite of such confusion, I would welcome any organisation which might feel they were left behind by the alliance. However, merely declaring interest to join the alliance won’t do. Those interested to join must demonstrate their commitment and ability to contribute to the alliance before joining.
The alliance wants to make certain other matters clear. First, to our Bhutanese brethren inside Bhutan, we want to bring caution to the misinformation by some with vested interests to interpret our work as negative. Our work is to strengthen the sovereignty, democracy, independence and peace in Bhutan, not the contrary. We want to reiterate the respect we have for the institution of Monarchy. We however, want democratic rights as enshrined in the Constitution of Bhutan. Every Bhutanese must recognise the fundamental truth that democracy is the right of the public and not just the right of a single individual. Democracy is for everyone – students, teachers, civil servants, the army, farmers, businessmen and others, and also for the King himself! In short, every citizen needs democracy in their life to lead their life in honour and dignity. We know that democracy in the real sense is absent in Bhutan. Therefore the time has come for us to seek our democratic rights granted under the Constitution.
We want to reassure our friendly neighbour India, that we will always value our excellent friendly bonds existing between us. We are optimistic that the Government of India will hold talks with the Government of Bhutan to enable us to return to Bhutan and lead the life of democracy loving citizens in Bhutan. We are also optimist that the United National Organisation, democracy-loving citizens and the democratic countries of the world will support our truthful initiatives and inalienable rights.
We Bhutanese are encircled by large burden of dependent load. Which persuades us from self decision. To take any decision, we need next elements to advise and implement it. Therefore, the piece of Mr. Thinley gave great shock for guilty mind right now.
It is true that recent alliance is collection of unwanted elements. Because we are political victims and we need strong political alliance to give out political solution I suppose so far. But this is the alliance of both political and human right organisations which gives the message of lack of political awareness in us. I could not belive, this alliance is made to solve the bhutanese problem but it is formed to fullfil an ambitious desire of oneself.
I never agree with Mr. Kesang because it only the puppet of government of Bhutan. That means a drama played to confuse the bhutanese people. So it is illusive coilation and being an agent of the government.
Mr. Kesang understand the need of era. To fullfil individual interest, you like intelectual and so caled bhutanese leaders should stop laying the people and put into the deep pit of confusion.
Thanks
I am deeply impressed by the serious way of sharing the opinions by our esteemed participants to this article. I only pray that truth prevail over falsehood resulting into total liberty to the common Bhutanese and the elites alike that is seen as need of the hour…
We need to move forward, as in the vision of lama Jamyang Khyentse Rinpoche, in the light of 21st century and not backwards to the 5 centuries old cave of retreat in the name of identity while depending on the gardens of the neighbours for our sustenance… Is this strategy truly proving to provide us safe and secure future? Please labour for the entire Bhutanese communities rather than seeking individual fame for which there seem to surface, as in the souce atricle, the gust of ego that shackles persons engaged with it intimately…
So intresting piece of writting i like it’
Such is the calibre of self-appointed leaders of these […….] outfits that despite being at it for almost 2 decades, they have achieved only one thing: making a joke of themselves.
Just look at the picture of Penjore with Adhikari.
I rest my case.